THE GOOD, THE BAD & THE UGLY OF SOUTH AFRICA'S EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

The dichotomy in South Africa's educational landscape was again glaringly evident following the Independent Examinations Board 2015 matriculation results. Independent high schools seized the opportunity to engage in self-congratulatory marketing for outstanding student achievement. By way of example, Reddam House, and Somerset College prominently placed ads and images of its student achievers in the Cape Times. Student achievement at these schools is commendable. What is, however, deeply troubling is that of a total of 33 students depicted, only one student, Otua Sobukwe-Whyte, from Reddam House, is black. She received a bursary from the school, and is one of its outstanding academic achievers. It would have been impossible for Otua Sobukwe-Whyte to attend Reddam House without a bursary. And therein lies the rub - without it she would, like millions of other young people, be captive to an appallingly inferior and wretched state generated basic public education system. The spaghetti western, The Good, The Bad and The Ugly describes the current state of basic education in South Africa: The Good - IEB matriculation results. The Bad - soon to be released general matriculation results, and The Ugly - bureaucrats and under-performing teachers who are more interested in their pay cheques than the educational wellbeing of millions of students. Our young people are well on the road to becoming a nation of illiterates where despair and hopelessness will be the rule rather than the exception.

PROTEAS - A FADING DYNASTY?

Protea Cricket fans were looking forward to their side surpassing  all expectations of success against England at Kingmead.  So far not, and unlikely at the conclusion of the 1st Test.

Despite the fact that there still remains buckets of beer to be consumed by the fans, "Monday morning quarterbacks" have commenced in earnest castigating players, coaches and selectors.  Although it has not surfaced yet, the issue of transformation may be debated as well.

Those who complain are justified in doing so. The Proteas performance has been generally lackluster, tentative and lethargic.  In fact, mediocre at best.

If blame is to be apportioned for the Proteas disappointing performance, the selectors bear the brunt of it.  For example, the decision that AB de Villiers keep wicket was a poor one.    It is a physical task better suited for a younger player who is not in his cricketing twilight years.  He should have been selected for what he does best - batting, without the added wicketkeeping responsibility. Whoever has the selectors' ear whisper the name Quentin de Kock to take over wicketkeeping for the 2nd Test.

Besides including de Kock, other batsmen must be included to replace a weak Protea middle batting order.  It is not too late to make remedial changes.  Hopefully it can then be said the selectors will have earned their keep.  Thus far, they haven't.

ANC GOVERNMENT'S RECKLESS MARCH TO NUCLEAR PROCUREMENT

There are more questions than answers following the recent gazetted decision to move ahead with the nuclear procurement programme. It was reported by News 24 that former energy minister Martins signed off on the gazetted decision based on a cabinet decision dated as far back as 11th November, 2013. Subsequent to the cabinet's decision in November, 2013, erstwhile energy minister Joemat-Pettersson, over a two year period, represented that the cabinet had not approved the programme. Now there is confusion from government regarding cabinet's approval, and whether approval does, in fact, constitute the go-ahead for procurement, or in the alternative, a procedural step towards procurement. In either event, there is deep concern among fiscal experts that South Africa cannot afford R1 trillion for nuclear procurement. Former finance minister Nene apparently concurred, and was purportedly fired for stalling on the nuclear program. What changed to gazette the go- ahead of the programme? Objectively, nothing to remotely suggest that the country has the cash now, or in the foreseeable future. Nor is the country in a position to incur more debt because of its declining credit rating. What has also not changed is the overriding vested interests of those who will surreptitiously benefit from the programme. One can only hope that Gordhan still retains veto power over the nuclear procurement programme, and in a position to make an informed decision without political interference. That decision, under the present circumstances, should be self-evident.

THE DARK SIDE OF ANC FOREIGN POLICY

An article in The Economist (5/9/15) described South Africa's foreign policy as "clueless and immoral." The influential publication provides broad spectrum objective insight and opinion on global issues with emphasis on economic and political matters. The fact that it has labelled South Africa's foreign policy as "clueless and immoral" is of immense cause for concern. The article, in essence, underscores the ruling party's very limited perspective of the world. For example, the article refers to a recent foreign-policy paper, drafted by the ANC, which asserts that "the fall of the Berlin Wall marked not the freeing of captive nations in Europe but a regrettable triumph of Western imperialism". Further that "the Pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square in China were an American-backed counter-revolution". Also, that the conflict in the Ukraine is one "directed from Washington". Ordinarily, the foreign-policy paper should be considered as sheer drivel, but these are not ordinary times. Alarmingly, the paper was debated at the ANC's policy conference in October, 2015. It is evident that South Africa's foreign policy structure is based on two fundamentals: enmity to Western democracies, and reverence for China and Russia. In keeping with its foreign policy, China is now South Africa's strategic ally - a perceived beacon of transformation for South Africa's socio-economic ills. The ANC's national general council 2015 document gushes with admiration for China, extolling "the exemplary role of the collective leadership of the Communist Party of China . . . a guiding lodestar of our own struggle. . . a new dawn of hope for further possibilities of a new world order". The ANC has demonstrated a willingness to jump into bed with China, boots and all, irrespective of serious repercussions, such as South Africa's refusal of a visa to the Dalai Lama on China's probable bidding. One of the foundations of a country's foreign policy is to safeguard its national interest. South Africa's radical foreign policy appears focused in relegating its national interest in China's favour. In doing so, such relegation, or surrender, as the case maybe, evokes manifestations of the legendary Pied Piper who offered enticements (preferential trade in this case), and subsequently led his followers to their doom. While this may sound like hyperbole, it, nevertheless, resonates with a warranted cause for concern. The ANC's foreign policy objectives require a comprehensive overhaul, and in particular its predilection in aligning with non-democratic regimes, who, when all is said and done, are driven solely by nationalistic self-interest. According to The Economist, a country's foreign policy requires a balancing act between its principles and national interest. In this respect "South Africa's revolutionary foreign policy serves neither." South Africa's foreign policy will remain "clueless and immoral" until it understands the need to balance its professed democratic principles with national interest.

RAMAPHOSA - SOUTH AFRICA'S MACHIAVELLI

In a Christmas message to the nation, Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa "thanked South Africans for making the country a better place for all". Millions of South Africans would unequivocally disagree that it is "a better place for all". Ramaphosa is, however, correct in one respect: it is undoubtedly a far better place for him and his politically connected friends, while more than 12 million South Africans, based on conservative estimates, live in extreme poverty, and in a permanent state of despair and hopelessness. Who is he kidding? Ramaphosa is a consummate politician who has mastered the art of sound bite speech. His Christmas message is replete with sanitised sound bites filled with platitudes and generalizations. Consider his reference to . . . "Significant efforts to address the challenges facing the country - like poverty, unemployment and inequality". It makes a good sound bite especially in dishing up rhetoric over reality. It is a tactic designed to evade addressing specifics of the nature and scope of "significant efforts", because in reality, there are no so-called "significant" efforts that can be attributed to him or his party. As deputy president, Ramaphosa routinely employs sound bite speech. Consider again his unresponsive answers to parliamentary member questions. He will tangentially respond to the question, and then engage in vague generalization. In doing so, the person posing the question is either intimidated, confused, or frustrated , and backs down. Ramaphosa is not only a consummate politician, but in addition, well-versed in Machiavellian stagecraft. To paraphrase the French philosopher, Denis Diderot, it is a distasteful type of politics.

DA PLAYING POLITICS WITH ROAD MAYHEM

The Democratic Alliance has condemned the Road Traffic Management Corporation (RTMC) for using "bully-boy" tactics in threatening to arrest motorists who commit traffic violations over the festive season.  

The DA's position that the RTMC does not have the authority to arrest motorists may or may not be so. There is, however, a far bigger issue -   an ever increasing epidemic of fatalities on SA roads. Latest figures released by the Department of Transport show that more than 4500 were killed on SA roads during 2014/2015.

Current traffic laws and regulations accomplish very little in stemming road fatalities.  Motorists, including pedestrians, generally pay little or no attention to the rules of the road.  It is as if they have a death wish.  Some would would say it is symptomatic of a pathological antisocial personality disorder that rears its ugly head when South African motorists get behind the wheel. Whatever the reasons, if arrest will serve as a deterrent, so be it.

The RTMC's decision to arrest motorists is not a "bully-boy" tactic - it is public safety measure.  The DA should not be playing politics when it comes to saving lives.

THE ANC's FAVOURITE PASTIME - PLAYING THE RACE CARD

The DA Legal Commission's decision to reinstate DIanne Kohler Barnard as a party member was appropriate. Her initial expulsion from the party was disproportionately harsh for mistakenly reposting a received message praising PW Botha for being "far more honest than any of these ANC rogues" and providing "a far better service to the public". Kohler Barnard's reposting of the message was decidedly stupid, and more so, for not fully reading the message before reposting it. However, her stupidity does not translate into racism. Furthermore, her reinstatement does not bespeak to the DA, as the ANC contends, remaining a racist party. Many would argue that the Facebook message has a stinging truthfulness to it, or at the very least, was within the parameters of fair comment. Can the ANC government in all good conscience rebut indisputable wholesale evidence of dishonesty and lack of delivery under its watch? It simply cannot - hence its timeworn fallback to playing the catch-all race card.

RAMAPHOSA - A LESSON IN CONTRIVANCE

The Presidency issued a statement over the weekend that Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa "was involved in all consultations with President Jacob Zuma and all other stakeholders regarding the appointment of Mr. David van Rooyen". The statement concluded . . . "Ramaphosa was and remains part of the government collective that sought to stabilise the ministry of finance". The statement was issued in response to a rumour that Ramaphosa threatened to resign in the wake of the finance minister reshuffle fiasco. He denied the report, but if true, it may affect his standing within the ANC, and ultimately his goal in replacing Zuma. Although Ramaphosa owes much of his business career to his political connections, he is regarded as shrewd and competent. Ramaphosa's shrewdness could explain his allegiance to the government collective in appointing van Rooyen, but for an ulterior purpose - replacing Zuma. To achieve his objective Ramaphosa must demonstrate total commitment and undivided loyalty to the ANC collective. He must do so by abrogating any previously held political convictions and replacing them with political expediency. If Ramaphosa succeeds in replacing Zuma, the country can expect a president regarded as shrewd, competent, and disingenuous. As to the question of sound judgment, the fact that he was involved "in all consultations . . . regarding the appointment of M. David Van Rooyen" leads to one unmistakeable conclusion: judgment deficit disorder. Inasmuch as cynicism is a pervasive component of South Africa's political landscape, can one really say that Ramaphosa, as president, will result in a change in substance rather than form?

ZUMA AND JUDGMENT DEFICIT DISORDER

President Zuma is not blessed with good judgment. There are many examples of poor judgment underscored by reckless and irrational conduct. The recent Nene/Van Rooyen/Gordhan debacle puts to rest any question of his ability to exercise good judgment, especially as far as the economy is concerned. President Zuma is street smart and a master politician, but clearly incapable of making rational, responsible and mature decisions based on good judgment when it comes to economic and fiscal policy. It is immaterial whether Zuma did, or did not consult his close advisors when deciding to axe Nene. Assuming he did, both he and his advisors were oblivious to the fallout to the economy. It seems Zuma's advisors also suffer from the same infliction: poor judgment. There is an indisputable lesson to be learned from Zuma's actions. Decisions affecting the economic and fiscal wellbeing of the country cannot be left to Zuma and/or his close advisors, without the advice and counsel of captains of industry, academic economists. One merely has to take into account the significant role played by the private sector in forcing the ANC to demand that Zuma reverse Van Rooyen's appointment and replace him with Gordhan. With that in mind, and to prevent future chaos of a similar nature, an agency must be established within the Office of the President in line with the Council of Economic Advisers, comprising of business leaders and academics, that advises the US President on economic policy. Those who serve on the Council must not be beholden to President Zuma; neither his friend, stooge, political hack, or admirer. They serve without partisan agendas, and solely as helmsmen in restoring and maintaining the economic wellbeing of the country. This time the country avoided a 'ground zero' scenario. There must not be a next time, provided Zuma and the ANC put the country first. Another economic meltdown, characterised as a "miscalculation" by ANC spin will be catastrophic.

STAR TREK AND THE ANC

The ANC's reaction to the Nene/Van Rooyen/Gordhan debacle demonstrated a collective mindset strikingly similar to a fictional alien race featured in the Star Trek franchise known as the Borg Collective.  Its members function as automaton drones in a hive-mind called The Collective represented by a queen who is. . . "the beginning, the end, the one who is many".  The Borg are collectively aware, but not aware of themselves as separate individuals, except for the queen who is head of state.  

Based on the ANC's reaction to the country's recent financial meltdown, and calls to remove Zuma, there are conspicuous similarities between the Borg and the ANC's hive-minded collective.  However, there is a noteworthy difference - the Borg is fiction whereas the ANC's  destructive hive-minded collective is real.

THE SOUND OF THUNDEROUS HOOVES APPROACHING SOUTH AFRICA

There appears to be is a silver lining following the Nene/Van Rooyen/ Gordhan debacle. Zuma's reckless and irrational firing of Nene is a blessing in disguise. It provides an opportunity for Luthuli House to engage in serious house cleaning - the recall of a political abomination - Jacob Zuma as President. But, simply recalling Zuma will not solve South Africa's financial, economic and social problems. The country has had to contend with a ruling party that has added new meaning to the term laissez-faire, characterised by corruption, wasteful spending, incompetence, self-dealing and cronyism. The reappointment of Pravin Gordhan as finance minister is a small step in the right direction, but it is not enough to forestall the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse descending on South Africa. To prevent ensuing chaos, the ruling party must cast aside its ideologically based destructive policies, and govern based on the time-tested principles of transparency, accountability, respect for the rule of law, strategic vision, effectiveness and efficiency. In a statement the ANC commended "the public for vocal engagement on government on the appointment of the Minister of finance . . . the ANC values public activism on matters of public interest". Utter drivel - the ANC has treated citizen concern with contempt time and again. Zuma's reappointment of Gordhan as minister of finance was, in American football parlance, a Hail Mary last-ditch move to stop the financial bloodletting the country was experiencing, after the sacking of Nene, and the appointment of an obscure lightweight parliamentary backbencher. The events of the last few days present ANC members with an ideal opportunity to clean house by recalling Zuma as a first step to restoring some semblance of stability to the country. Whether they have the backbone to do so remains to be seen.

SOUTH AFRICA - CHINA'S LAPDOG

According to the Chinese Zodiac, 2015 is the Year of the Sheep. However, as far as Africa is concerned, the recently concluded Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, has transformed the Year of the Sheep into the Year of the Dragon. In the spirit of the Dragon, characterised by magnanimity, China's President Xi Jinping pledged $60 billion towards investment in Africa. Although the amount pledged is defined as "investment," $35 billion is earmarked for concessional loans and buyer's credit, with the remaining amount as commercial credit. Delegates attending the summit were delighted with China's commitment to Africa, particularly in light of severe economic problems facing the continent. Delegates were looking to China for financial relief, and China delivered. It would be simple enough to conclude that China's commitment to Africa is predicated on a disinterested and selfless concern for Africa's wellbeing. Altruism, however, is not, and has never been a component of China's foreign policy. China, to paraphrase Confucius, embarked many years ago on a journey of a thousand miles that began with a single step to strategically secure Africa's dependency and servility, economically and politically. China considers the African continent within its sphere of influence. South Africa's relationship with China is illustrative of China's overriding influence in matters of trade, policy and political ties. It is one thing for countries to enjoy a bilateral trade relationship as equal partners. It is another when the ANC government takes the concept of "bilateral trade" to another level when refusing to raise tariffs on cheap steel imports from China to the detriment of domestic producers. It is still another when the ANC government obsequiously prostrates itself to China's bidding, as it did, when refusing a visa to the Dalai Lama. The list of slavishly kowtowing to China shows no signs of abating anytime soon. China's single step policy has, in the case of South Africa, achieved its purpose. It was simply a matter of time until a desperate ANC government reached out for financial and economic lifelines. China has delivered subject to exigent conditions, and at an enormous cost - the dilution of South Africa's sovereignty. The message is loud and clear: China's manipulative and growing influence has ruinous consequences for South Africa.

ANOTHER ONE BITES THE DUST

Here we go again. This time the Finance Minister, Nhlanhla Nene, has been given his marching orders. By all accounts, his firing was not predicated because of incompetence, but rather on expressing his deep concerns about the burgeoning deficit, rampant public spending and opposition to the nuclear deal. He was simply doing his job - an anathema to President Zuma. Then there is Nene's feud with SAA's Dudu Myeni, a close confidante of the president. Who knows what role that played in Nene's firing? Capital markets have already adversely reacted to Nene's departure, and the rot will continue. The newly appointed finance minister is largely unknown. The country does not need an inexperienced parliamentary backbencher at this fateful time, but rather divine intervention.

A NEW APPROACH TO SA's EDUCATION SYSTEM

University student protests encompassing everything from the Rhodes Must Fall campaign to free tertiary education have taken a back seat for now. Tranquility has temporarily returned to university campuses simply because students have returned home for the holidays. However, tranquility will mutate into unrest again when students return to campus. This will occur because they have yet to succeed in their quest for transformation, which now also includes the issue of free tertiary education. The student unrest phenomenon is a complex one. The complexities are deep-seated, and are shaped by a mix of social, economic and political factors. Included in the mix is the perception that free tertiary education is a road map to solving the country's higher education problems. It appeals to our collective better nature because it is a fair, or good thing to do by remedying the wrongs of the past. The approach is a feel good and superficial one because it ignores fundamental issues associated with the trauma of social and political transformation. Free tertiary education is synonymous with the expectation of a free lunch. Truth be told there is no such thing as a free lunch. In reality individuals or society cannot get 'something for nothing'. Even if something appears to be free, there is always a cost. If students receive free education, the financial impact to universities will be crippling inasmuch as government is unable to step into the breach, due to squandering of taxpayer monies, underscored by maladministration and corruption. The end result for students: a less than half-baked education that is of little use. There is no such thing as a free lunch, and there is no such thing as a free education. If free tertiary education is not a solution to the problem, what then? The answer is one of back to basics: jettison the present basic educational system for primary and secondary schools, and replace it by leveraging the creativity of the private sector to reinvent and modernize the system. To date, the Department of Basic Education lacks boldness and flexibility to embrace change. Modernising the educational system requires a fundamental shift in the way we educate our young people. One must accept that the familiar systems of grade levels is anachronistic for today's times. Consider, for example, a system where learners are grouped not by age or grade level, but by their levels of knowledge or skill. In doing so, resources can be allocated appropriately to facilitate real and purposeful transitional change at basic education levels. It will open the door to competency, and facilitate future higher academic and employment opportunities. Imagine matriculation students entering university undergraduate programs with confidence and competence. Yes, imagine . . . Millions of primary and secondary students live in an endless cycle of poverty. Those who do enroll at a university, apart from financial hardship, are unprepared and face immense challenges that lead to feelings of inadequacy, followed by frustration, despair, resentment, and ultimately rage - a recipe for violence and other anti-social behaviour. Incidents of anti-social behaviour under the present education system will continue to escalate unless new approaches at the basic education level are adopted. There are several options, other than outlined above, that include, but are not limited to, Process Oriented Guided Inquiry Lessons, Project Based Learning , Life Skills and Reality Pedagogy. Basic education is at the end of its rope - what is there to lose by adopting a new approach? One thing is clear: young people's inalienable right to quality basic education has been grossly mismanaged. Even the most basic educational tool, textbooks for all students, has necessitated court intervention. Young people were promised a future filled with the expectation of accomplishment - not illiteracy and despair. The promise of a bright future can still be achieved through a new basic education approach, provided those who establish policy leave their self-serving agendas at the door. I, together with other concerned citizens, stand ready, willing and able to walk the walk.