THE GOOD, THE BAD & THE UGLY OF SOUTH AFRICA'S EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

The dichotomy in South Africa's educational landscape was again glaringly evident following the Independent Examinations Board 2015 matriculation results. Independent high schools seized the opportunity to engage in self-congratulatory marketing for outstanding student achievement. By way of example, Reddam House, and Somerset College prominently placed ads and images of its student achievers in the Cape Times. Student achievement at these schools is commendable. What is, however, deeply troubling is that of a total of 33 students depicted, only one student, Otua Sobukwe-Whyte, from Reddam House, is black. She received a bursary from the school, and is one of its outstanding academic achievers. It would have been impossible for Otua Sobukwe-Whyte to attend Reddam House without a bursary. And therein lies the rub - without it she would, like millions of other young people, be captive to an appallingly inferior and wretched state generated basic public education system. The spaghetti western, The Good, The Bad and The Ugly describes the current state of basic education in South Africa: The Good - IEB matriculation results. The Bad - soon to be released general matriculation results, and The Ugly - bureaucrats and under-performing teachers who are more interested in their pay cheques than the educational wellbeing of millions of students. Our young people are well on the road to becoming a nation of illiterates where despair and hopelessness will be the rule rather than the exception.

PROTEAS - A FADING DYNASTY?

Protea Cricket fans were looking forward to their side surpassing  all expectations of success against England at Kingmead.  So far not, and unlikely at the conclusion of the 1st Test.

Despite the fact that there still remains buckets of beer to be consumed by the fans, "Monday morning quarterbacks" have commenced in earnest castigating players, coaches and selectors.  Although it has not surfaced yet, the issue of transformation may be debated as well.

Those who complain are justified in doing so. The Proteas performance has been generally lackluster, tentative and lethargic.  In fact, mediocre at best.

If blame is to be apportioned for the Proteas disappointing performance, the selectors bear the brunt of it.  For example, the decision that AB de Villiers keep wicket was a poor one.    It is a physical task better suited for a younger player who is not in his cricketing twilight years.  He should have been selected for what he does best - batting, without the added wicketkeeping responsibility. Whoever has the selectors' ear whisper the name Quentin de Kock to take over wicketkeeping for the 2nd Test.

Besides including de Kock, other batsmen must be included to replace a weak Protea middle batting order.  It is not too late to make remedial changes.  Hopefully it can then be said the selectors will have earned their keep.  Thus far, they haven't.

ANC GOVERNMENT'S RECKLESS MARCH TO NUCLEAR PROCUREMENT

There are more questions than answers following the recent gazetted decision to move ahead with the nuclear procurement programme. It was reported by News 24 that former energy minister Martins signed off on the gazetted decision based on a cabinet decision dated as far back as 11th November, 2013. Subsequent to the cabinet's decision in November, 2013, erstwhile energy minister Joemat-Pettersson, over a two year period, represented that the cabinet had not approved the programme. Now there is confusion from government regarding cabinet's approval, and whether approval does, in fact, constitute the go-ahead for procurement, or in the alternative, a procedural step towards procurement. In either event, there is deep concern among fiscal experts that South Africa cannot afford R1 trillion for nuclear procurement. Former finance minister Nene apparently concurred, and was purportedly fired for stalling on the nuclear program. What changed to gazette the go- ahead of the programme? Objectively, nothing to remotely suggest that the country has the cash now, or in the foreseeable future. Nor is the country in a position to incur more debt because of its declining credit rating. What has also not changed is the overriding vested interests of those who will surreptitiously benefit from the programme. One can only hope that Gordhan still retains veto power over the nuclear procurement programme, and in a position to make an informed decision without political interference. That decision, under the present circumstances, should be self-evident.

THE DARK SIDE OF ANC FOREIGN POLICY

An article in The Economist (5/9/15) described South Africa's foreign policy as "clueless and immoral." The influential publication provides broad spectrum objective insight and opinion on global issues with emphasis on economic and political matters. The fact that it has labelled South Africa's foreign policy as "clueless and immoral" is of immense cause for concern. The article, in essence, underscores the ruling party's very limited perspective of the world. For example, the article refers to a recent foreign-policy paper, drafted by the ANC, which asserts that "the fall of the Berlin Wall marked not the freeing of captive nations in Europe but a regrettable triumph of Western imperialism". Further that "the Pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square in China were an American-backed counter-revolution". Also, that the conflict in the Ukraine is one "directed from Washington". Ordinarily, the foreign-policy paper should be considered as sheer drivel, but these are not ordinary times. Alarmingly, the paper was debated at the ANC's policy conference in October, 2015. It is evident that South Africa's foreign policy structure is based on two fundamentals: enmity to Western democracies, and reverence for China and Russia. In keeping with its foreign policy, China is now South Africa's strategic ally - a perceived beacon of transformation for South Africa's socio-economic ills. The ANC's national general council 2015 document gushes with admiration for China, extolling "the exemplary role of the collective leadership of the Communist Party of China . . . a guiding lodestar of our own struggle. . . a new dawn of hope for further possibilities of a new world order". The ANC has demonstrated a willingness to jump into bed with China, boots and all, irrespective of serious repercussions, such as South Africa's refusal of a visa to the Dalai Lama on China's probable bidding. One of the foundations of a country's foreign policy is to safeguard its national interest. South Africa's radical foreign policy appears focused in relegating its national interest in China's favour. In doing so, such relegation, or surrender, as the case maybe, evokes manifestations of the legendary Pied Piper who offered enticements (preferential trade in this case), and subsequently led his followers to their doom. While this may sound like hyperbole, it, nevertheless, resonates with a warranted cause for concern. The ANC's foreign policy objectives require a comprehensive overhaul, and in particular its predilection in aligning with non-democratic regimes, who, when all is said and done, are driven solely by nationalistic self-interest. According to The Economist, a country's foreign policy requires a balancing act between its principles and national interest. In this respect "South Africa's revolutionary foreign policy serves neither." South Africa's foreign policy will remain "clueless and immoral" until it understands the need to balance its professed democratic principles with national interest.

RAMAPHOSA - SOUTH AFRICA'S MACHIAVELLI

In a Christmas message to the nation, Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa "thanked South Africans for making the country a better place for all". Millions of South Africans would unequivocally disagree that it is "a better place for all". Ramaphosa is, however, correct in one respect: it is undoubtedly a far better place for him and his politically connected friends, while more than 12 million South Africans, based on conservative estimates, live in extreme poverty, and in a permanent state of despair and hopelessness. Who is he kidding? Ramaphosa is a consummate politician who has mastered the art of sound bite speech. His Christmas message is replete with sanitised sound bites filled with platitudes and generalizations. Consider his reference to . . . "Significant efforts to address the challenges facing the country - like poverty, unemployment and inequality". It makes a good sound bite especially in dishing up rhetoric over reality. It is a tactic designed to evade addressing specifics of the nature and scope of "significant efforts", because in reality, there are no so-called "significant" efforts that can be attributed to him or his party. As deputy president, Ramaphosa routinely employs sound bite speech. Consider again his unresponsive answers to parliamentary member questions. He will tangentially respond to the question, and then engage in vague generalization. In doing so, the person posing the question is either intimidated, confused, or frustrated , and backs down. Ramaphosa is not only a consummate politician, but in addition, well-versed in Machiavellian stagecraft. To paraphrase the French philosopher, Denis Diderot, it is a distasteful type of politics.

DA PLAYING POLITICS WITH ROAD MAYHEM

The Democratic Alliance has condemned the Road Traffic Management Corporation (RTMC) for using "bully-boy" tactics in threatening to arrest motorists who commit traffic violations over the festive season.  

The DA's position that the RTMC does not have the authority to arrest motorists may or may not be so. There is, however, a far bigger issue -   an ever increasing epidemic of fatalities on SA roads. Latest figures released by the Department of Transport show that more than 4500 were killed on SA roads during 2014/2015.

Current traffic laws and regulations accomplish very little in stemming road fatalities.  Motorists, including pedestrians, generally pay little or no attention to the rules of the road.  It is as if they have a death wish.  Some would would say it is symptomatic of a pathological antisocial personality disorder that rears its ugly head when South African motorists get behind the wheel. Whatever the reasons, if arrest will serve as a deterrent, so be it.

The RTMC's decision to arrest motorists is not a "bully-boy" tactic - it is public safety measure.  The DA should not be playing politics when it comes to saving lives.

THE ANC's FAVOURITE PASTIME - PLAYING THE RACE CARD

The DA Legal Commission's decision to reinstate DIanne Kohler Barnard as a party member was appropriate. Her initial expulsion from the party was disproportionately harsh for mistakenly reposting a received message praising PW Botha for being "far more honest than any of these ANC rogues" and providing "a far better service to the public". Kohler Barnard's reposting of the message was decidedly stupid, and more so, for not fully reading the message before reposting it. However, her stupidity does not translate into racism. Furthermore, her reinstatement does not bespeak to the DA, as the ANC contends, remaining a racist party. Many would argue that the Facebook message has a stinging truthfulness to it, or at the very least, was within the parameters of fair comment. Can the ANC government in all good conscience rebut indisputable wholesale evidence of dishonesty and lack of delivery under its watch? It simply cannot - hence its timeworn fallback to playing the catch-all race card.

RAMAPHOSA - A LESSON IN CONTRIVANCE

The Presidency issued a statement over the weekend that Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa "was involved in all consultations with President Jacob Zuma and all other stakeholders regarding the appointment of Mr. David van Rooyen". The statement concluded . . . "Ramaphosa was and remains part of the government collective that sought to stabilise the ministry of finance". The statement was issued in response to a rumour that Ramaphosa threatened to resign in the wake of the finance minister reshuffle fiasco. He denied the report, but if true, it may affect his standing within the ANC, and ultimately his goal in replacing Zuma. Although Ramaphosa owes much of his business career to his political connections, he is regarded as shrewd and competent. Ramaphosa's shrewdness could explain his allegiance to the government collective in appointing van Rooyen, but for an ulterior purpose - replacing Zuma. To achieve his objective Ramaphosa must demonstrate total commitment and undivided loyalty to the ANC collective. He must do so by abrogating any previously held political convictions and replacing them with political expediency. If Ramaphosa succeeds in replacing Zuma, the country can expect a president regarded as shrewd, competent, and disingenuous. As to the question of sound judgment, the fact that he was involved "in all consultations . . . regarding the appointment of M. David Van Rooyen" leads to one unmistakeable conclusion: judgment deficit disorder. Inasmuch as cynicism is a pervasive component of South Africa's political landscape, can one really say that Ramaphosa, as president, will result in a change in substance rather than form?

ZUMA AND JUDGMENT DEFICIT DISORDER

President Zuma is not blessed with good judgment. There are many examples of poor judgment underscored by reckless and irrational conduct. The recent Nene/Van Rooyen/Gordhan debacle puts to rest any question of his ability to exercise good judgment, especially as far as the economy is concerned. President Zuma is street smart and a master politician, but clearly incapable of making rational, responsible and mature decisions based on good judgment when it comes to economic and fiscal policy. It is immaterial whether Zuma did, or did not consult his close advisors when deciding to axe Nene. Assuming he did, both he and his advisors were oblivious to the fallout to the economy. It seems Zuma's advisors also suffer from the same infliction: poor judgment. There is an indisputable lesson to be learned from Zuma's actions. Decisions affecting the economic and fiscal wellbeing of the country cannot be left to Zuma and/or his close advisors, without the advice and counsel of captains of industry, academic economists. One merely has to take into account the significant role played by the private sector in forcing the ANC to demand that Zuma reverse Van Rooyen's appointment and replace him with Gordhan. With that in mind, and to prevent future chaos of a similar nature, an agency must be established within the Office of the President in line with the Council of Economic Advisers, comprising of business leaders and academics, that advises the US President on economic policy. Those who serve on the Council must not be beholden to President Zuma; neither his friend, stooge, political hack, or admirer. They serve without partisan agendas, and solely as helmsmen in restoring and maintaining the economic wellbeing of the country. This time the country avoided a 'ground zero' scenario. There must not be a next time, provided Zuma and the ANC put the country first. Another economic meltdown, characterised as a "miscalculation" by ANC spin will be catastrophic.

STAR TREK AND THE ANC

The ANC's reaction to the Nene/Van Rooyen/Gordhan debacle demonstrated a collective mindset strikingly similar to a fictional alien race featured in the Star Trek franchise known as the Borg Collective.  Its members function as automaton drones in a hive-mind called The Collective represented by a queen who is. . . "the beginning, the end, the one who is many".  The Borg are collectively aware, but not aware of themselves as separate individuals, except for the queen who is head of state.  

Based on the ANC's reaction to the country's recent financial meltdown, and calls to remove Zuma, there are conspicuous similarities between the Borg and the ANC's hive-minded collective.  However, there is a noteworthy difference - the Borg is fiction whereas the ANC's  destructive hive-minded collective is real.

THE SOUND OF THUNDEROUS HOOVES APPROACHING SOUTH AFRICA

There appears to be is a silver lining following the Nene/Van Rooyen/ Gordhan debacle. Zuma's reckless and irrational firing of Nene is a blessing in disguise. It provides an opportunity for Luthuli House to engage in serious house cleaning - the recall of a political abomination - Jacob Zuma as President. But, simply recalling Zuma will not solve South Africa's financial, economic and social problems. The country has had to contend with a ruling party that has added new meaning to the term laissez-faire, characterised by corruption, wasteful spending, incompetence, self-dealing and cronyism. The reappointment of Pravin Gordhan as finance minister is a small step in the right direction, but it is not enough to forestall the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse descending on South Africa. To prevent ensuing chaos, the ruling party must cast aside its ideologically based destructive policies, and govern based on the time-tested principles of transparency, accountability, respect for the rule of law, strategic vision, effectiveness and efficiency. In a statement the ANC commended "the public for vocal engagement on government on the appointment of the Minister of finance . . . the ANC values public activism on matters of public interest". Utter drivel - the ANC has treated citizen concern with contempt time and again. Zuma's reappointment of Gordhan as minister of finance was, in American football parlance, a Hail Mary last-ditch move to stop the financial bloodletting the country was experiencing, after the sacking of Nene, and the appointment of an obscure lightweight parliamentary backbencher. The events of the last few days present ANC members with an ideal opportunity to clean house by recalling Zuma as a first step to restoring some semblance of stability to the country. Whether they have the backbone to do so remains to be seen.

SOUTH AFRICA - CHINA'S LAPDOG

According to the Chinese Zodiac, 2015 is the Year of the Sheep. However, as far as Africa is concerned, the recently concluded Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, has transformed the Year of the Sheep into the Year of the Dragon. In the spirit of the Dragon, characterised by magnanimity, China's President Xi Jinping pledged $60 billion towards investment in Africa. Although the amount pledged is defined as "investment," $35 billion is earmarked for concessional loans and buyer's credit, with the remaining amount as commercial credit. Delegates attending the summit were delighted with China's commitment to Africa, particularly in light of severe economic problems facing the continent. Delegates were looking to China for financial relief, and China delivered. It would be simple enough to conclude that China's commitment to Africa is predicated on a disinterested and selfless concern for Africa's wellbeing. Altruism, however, is not, and has never been a component of China's foreign policy. China, to paraphrase Confucius, embarked many years ago on a journey of a thousand miles that began with a single step to strategically secure Africa's dependency and servility, economically and politically. China considers the African continent within its sphere of influence. South Africa's relationship with China is illustrative of China's overriding influence in matters of trade, policy and political ties. It is one thing for countries to enjoy a bilateral trade relationship as equal partners. It is another when the ANC government takes the concept of "bilateral trade" to another level when refusing to raise tariffs on cheap steel imports from China to the detriment of domestic producers. It is still another when the ANC government obsequiously prostrates itself to China's bidding, as it did, when refusing a visa to the Dalai Lama. The list of slavishly kowtowing to China shows no signs of abating anytime soon. China's single step policy has, in the case of South Africa, achieved its purpose. It was simply a matter of time until a desperate ANC government reached out for financial and economic lifelines. China has delivered subject to exigent conditions, and at an enormous cost - the dilution of South Africa's sovereignty. The message is loud and clear: China's manipulative and growing influence has ruinous consequences for South Africa.

ANOTHER ONE BITES THE DUST

Here we go again. This time the Finance Minister, Nhlanhla Nene, has been given his marching orders. By all accounts, his firing was not predicated because of incompetence, but rather on expressing his deep concerns about the burgeoning deficit, rampant public spending and opposition to the nuclear deal. He was simply doing his job - an anathema to President Zuma. Then there is Nene's feud with SAA's Dudu Myeni, a close confidante of the president. Who knows what role that played in Nene's firing? Capital markets have already adversely reacted to Nene's departure, and the rot will continue. The newly appointed finance minister is largely unknown. The country does not need an inexperienced parliamentary backbencher at this fateful time, but rather divine intervention.

A NEW APPROACH TO SA's EDUCATION SYSTEM

University student protests encompassing everything from the Rhodes Must Fall campaign to free tertiary education have taken a back seat for now. Tranquility has temporarily returned to university campuses simply because students have returned home for the holidays. However, tranquility will mutate into unrest again when students return to campus. This will occur because they have yet to succeed in their quest for transformation, which now also includes the issue of free tertiary education. The student unrest phenomenon is a complex one. The complexities are deep-seated, and are shaped by a mix of social, economic and political factors. Included in the mix is the perception that free tertiary education is a road map to solving the country's higher education problems. It appeals to our collective better nature because it is a fair, or good thing to do by remedying the wrongs of the past. The approach is a feel good and superficial one because it ignores fundamental issues associated with the trauma of social and political transformation. Free tertiary education is synonymous with the expectation of a free lunch. Truth be told there is no such thing as a free lunch. In reality individuals or society cannot get 'something for nothing'. Even if something appears to be free, there is always a cost. If students receive free education, the financial impact to universities will be crippling inasmuch as government is unable to step into the breach, due to squandering of taxpayer monies, underscored by maladministration and corruption. The end result for students: a less than half-baked education that is of little use. There is no such thing as a free lunch, and there is no such thing as a free education. If free tertiary education is not a solution to the problem, what then? The answer is one of back to basics: jettison the present basic educational system for primary and secondary schools, and replace it by leveraging the creativity of the private sector to reinvent and modernize the system. To date, the Department of Basic Education lacks boldness and flexibility to embrace change. Modernising the educational system requires a fundamental shift in the way we educate our young people. One must accept that the familiar systems of grade levels is anachronistic for today's times. Consider, for example, a system where learners are grouped not by age or grade level, but by their levels of knowledge or skill. In doing so, resources can be allocated appropriately to facilitate real and purposeful transitional change at basic education levels. It will open the door to competency, and facilitate future higher academic and employment opportunities. Imagine matriculation students entering university undergraduate programs with confidence and competence. Yes, imagine . . . Millions of primary and secondary students live in an endless cycle of poverty. Those who do enroll at a university, apart from financial hardship, are unprepared and face immense challenges that lead to feelings of inadequacy, followed by frustration, despair, resentment, and ultimately rage - a recipe for violence and other anti-social behaviour. Incidents of anti-social behaviour under the present education system will continue to escalate unless new approaches at the basic education level are adopted. There are several options, other than outlined above, that include, but are not limited to, Process Oriented Guided Inquiry Lessons, Project Based Learning , Life Skills and Reality Pedagogy. Basic education is at the end of its rope - what is there to lose by adopting a new approach? One thing is clear: young people's inalienable right to quality basic education has been grossly mismanaged. Even the most basic educational tool, textbooks for all students, has necessitated court intervention. Young people were promised a future filled with the expectation of accomplishment - not illiteracy and despair. The promise of a bright future can still be achieved through a new basic education approach, provided those who establish policy leave their self-serving agendas at the door. I, together with other concerned citizens, stand ready, willing and able to walk the walk.

CAPITALISTS - ANC's COMRADES OF CONVENIENCE

A number of South Africa's parastatals are at death's door.  The Post Office and SAA immediately come to mind, with others seemingly not far behind.

The ANC government is faced with two choices: dust off casket carrying horse drawn carriages for state sponsored parastatal funerals, or as last resort, turn to capitalists to effect critical life support measures to resurrect and restore parastatal economic viability, after more than two decades of destructive maladministration.

The first to enter the parastatal lion's den is Mark Barnes, a prominent business executive with a proven track record.  He will head the Post Office. Interestingly enough he offered his services with government's blessing.  Time will tell whether it was an act of brilliance or stupidity.   Hopefully the former, even though the odds are stacked against him. One merely has to reflect on the miserable failures of Meyer Kahn and Bobby Godsell whose efforts to turn around the police and Eskom were undermined and subsequently defeated by political interference.

When the chips are down, the ANC government unhesitatingly welcomes the business acumen of capItalists who are willing to step up to the plate.  The welcome mat extended to Mark Barnes is a far cry from Jacob Zumas's recent address to Cosatu, where he characterised capitalism as a dictatorship and capitalists as the enemy.  Why then accept the services of a capitalist?  Multiple reasons, but in a nutshell - hypocrisy.

I have never been an admirer of Nietsche, but what he said in the context of Zuma's address to Cosatu is tellingly apposite:  "Learning from one's enemies is the best way to love them; for it makes us grateful to them."

It is not too late for Zuma and his party to learn, love and express gratitude to capitalist Mark Barnes, and other capitalists who follow his patriotic example.

ENDLESS GOVERNMENT WASTE & MORE . . .

The Auditor-General's report on the financial condition of provincial and national government departments was again symptomatic of a bloated government bureaucracy gormandising at the trough.

The report highlights the loss of R26 billion of public funds through irregular expenditures.   In addition, of the 468 entities audited, 355 received an unqualified audit.  According to the report, the Auditor-General had to make 'corrections' to 131 entities to reflect a better outcome. Obviously 'corrections' do not equate with the euphemism known as creative accounting.  Nonetheless, clarification on the nature of the corrections must be forthcoming.

In response to the report, a spokesman for the Institute for Accountability in Southern Africa recommended the creation of an integrity commission as a chapter nine institution.  The role of the integrity commission would serve to prevent  and combat corruption and maladministration. Not so, as it will suffer the same fate as other well-intentioned commissions - consignment to the dust-heap.

For too long provincial and national government departments have engendered a mentality of entitlement devoid of accountability. In doing so, a culture of corruption without consequences pervades South Africa's landscape. This will end when laws, already in place, are enforced and long prison sentences imposed as a deterrent to others.  The solution lies with the police and the prosecuting authority. They have yet to earn their pay cheques.

COSATU - SOMETHING IS ROTTEN

Cosatu's elective congress commenced this week.  Thus far, no earth shattering developments, besides the usual factional infighting, and calls for unity.  But, to paraphrase a character in Hamlet, something is rotten in Cosatu.

Cosatu's is in the throes of an upheaval, and  in the words of its president Sudomo Dlamini, the federation "is eating itself".  The federation is no longer relevant to thousands of workers. Moreover, the new generation of skilled workers have no need for a labour union. Their skills allow them to independently negotiate favourable terms of employment.

Cosatu's leaders know the federation is in crisis, but only offer bald allegations of foreign governments, particularly the US, attempting  to destroy Cosatu. In his address, Dlamini commented that "People are pumping money to destroy Cosatu.  After showing America proof they were funding . . . they admitted it."  I suspect, during the course of Dlamini's career as a trade unionist,  he attended The School of Scapegoating, where he learnt, that when all else fails, blame the US.  A nonsensical and plainly stupid ploy.

Public-sector unions are Cosatu's lifeline. It remains to be seen if the line will be severed due to future wage demands.  In the meantime,  Cosatu is the ANC's convenient vote canvasser for retention of political power.

Cosatu's relevance has been reduced to serving the needs of the ANC, and the personal ambitions of its leaders.

LIES & REWARDS

I previously commented on the ANC government's predilection to "reward" ambassadorial appointments to those indelibly tainted by scandal, incompetence and wrongdoing.  I predicted the next ambassadorial appointment would be Riah Phiyega.  As it turns out, I was wrong, as the next in line for a top foreign post is former crime intelligence boss major-general Chris Ngcobo.

The former intelligence boss was caught lying about having a matriculation certificate.  When confronted, Ngcobo brazenly maintained he mistakenly confused "Grade 10 and Standard 10".  Rather than wait the outcome of a disciplinary hearing. Ngcobo resigned from the police in July, 2015, and with the blessing of  Luthuli House commenced classes at the diplomatic academy in Pretoria.  It has been reported that his likely assignment is Mali - a poor decision for one who has no prior diplomatic experience, fluency in French, let alone experience with a country fighting terrorism.

Based on past appointments to foreign posts, Ngcobo will join a select group of miscreants, disgraced ANC comrades, appointed as ambassadors, notwithstanding acts of moral turpitude committed by them.

In good governance countries,  ambassadors are appointed primarily from the ranks of career foreign officers with a spattering of patronage appointments to far and away humdrum places. Nonetheless, both appointments share requisite common characteristics: integrity, intellect, experience and above all honesty.  That cannot be said for Ngcobo and his predecessors, the likes of Carl Niehaus  and Mohau Pheko, who also lied about their qualifications.

It is distressing to witness the disintegration of the ANC government's moral imperative  - an imperative that past icons of the movement fought and died to preserve.  Fortunately they are not with us to also witness the rot.

ZUMA AND THE MOMENT OF TRUTH

President Jacob Zuma has belatedly attempted to extricate himself from comments he made that the ANC took precedence over the country.  What he meant to say,  according to the President, was that the ANC still comes first, but his obligations to the country do not come second.

The President's clarification, despite floundering in semantics, does not pass the smell test.

Our Head of State is not a complicated man. He wears his heart on his sleeve, when speaking extemporaneously to an audience. He meant what he said - the ANC and the country are conjoined twins.

ANC leadership has routinely extolled the virtues of democratic principles and the constitution - the bedrock of the country.  In a "New York minute" the President opened the door to his and the ANC's proclivity to the very anthesis of constitutionalism - authoritarian rule.

The President has done the country a good turn in speaking the truth, and in doing so, has politically set the country free.

SOUTH AFRICA'S DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS - NO BANG FOR THE BUCK

In response to a parliamentary question, the ANC government confirmed that the country spends R3.2 billion annually on diplomatic missions around the world. It is difficult to visualize how many rand there are in R3.2 billion, and more difficult for politicians who are spending fortunes in taxpayer money. To put it in better perspective, some billion minutes ago, Jesus was alive, and some billion hours ago, our ancestors were living in the Stone Age. So, with this in mind, do we really want to to be saddled with the exorbitant cost of maintaining 126 embassies - the highest number after the US. The answer, in economic terms, is a simple one - the country cannot afford it, and must cut its cloth accordingly. The money saved by reducing diplomatic missions can be directed to ever-increasing problems facing the country - housing, unemployment, poverty, crime, infrastructure, and a host of other chronic ills. There are those in government who argue that diplomatic missions serve as conduits for trade that result in benefits to South Africa, and therefore outweigh the cost of maintaining such missions. One has yet to see hard evidence in support thereof. Until then, the assertion has the apocryphal equivalent of a belief in the tooth fairy. Solutions for South Africa's problems are not to be found abroad, and certainly not within the plush interiors of diplomatic missions. From the ANC government's perspective there is a purpose in having an obscene number of diplomatic missions. They serve as depositories for appointed ambassadors who are "rewarded" for incompetence, scandal and wrongdoing. One suspects it will not be long before the next ambassadorial appointment is announced. Can you say, Riah Phiyega?

A MAN DEFINED BY ARROGANCE

Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula and his department were prominently featured, at taxpayers expense, in a full page advertisement in the Cape Times (15/10/15), and presumably in other newspapers of daily circulation. The department was featured because it received a clean audit award from the Auditor-General. Knowing the minister's penchant for unrestrained exuberance and self-aggrandisement, it would not be surprising if he tweeted this achievement to the sounds of "seventy-six trombones and a hundred and ten cornets". One can understand the minister's delight in the department receiving a clean audit - a rarity indeed amongst government departments where waste, incompetence , corruption, and a host of other ills plentifully abound. Truth be told, however, a clean audit should be the norm and not the exception. The fact that the minister deemed it necessary to incur, at presumably great cost, full page newspaper ads to assert that he and his department, are not a "bunch of losers", is simply grandstanding. Moreover, it evokes a deep sense of sadness in that a rare clean audit somehow prevents South Africa's moral barometer from plunging further. Aristotle aptly summed it up: "One swallow does not a summer make". The minister in the ad stated that he and his department "treat public money with the utmost care". Not so, spending taxpayer money on a self-congratulatory message is not only wasteful, but pompous and careless. In the future one hopes the minister will deliberate long and hard before spending taxpayer money on self-promotional newspaper ads. Instead he should earmark said funds to improving dilapidated sports facilities in the townships. I, for one, will then desist from taking umbrage to his use of less costly tweets, even if laced with hubris.

THE GOOD LIFE OF A VICE-CHANCELLOR & LITTLE TO SHOW FOR IT

A number of university vice-chancellors have recently spent time in the trenches fighting the fires of student unrest. One assumes that fighting such fires was not a contemplated job duty by those presently employed as vice-chancellors in the new South Africa. The unrest will run its course, and vice-chancellors will resume their routine administrative activities. In doing so, the question has arisen whether parity exists between their responsibilities, and the remuneration they receive. One newspaper addressed the issue with the heading: 'Obscene' pay to varsity heads under scrutiny". It was reported that vice-chancellor remuneration ranged between R4.2 million and R2.4 million per year, besides presumably additional perks amounting to several thousands of Rands. Higher Education spokesman, Khaya Nkwanyana, tellingly commented that university vice-chancellors based their remuneration on compensation received by their counterparts in Europe. If so, therein lies the problem. There is a vast academic divide between institutions of higher learning in Europe and South Africa. The divide is the difference between excellence and mediocrity, with South Africa falling into the mediocre category. That being said, it would be foolhardy to assert that a local university vice-chancellor, other than possibly Professor Jansen of Free State University, could be considered for a vice-chancellorship at a top-tier university in Europe, the United States, or Canada. Perhaps our vice-chancellors should be required to justify their pay cheques, which in most instances, exceed the pay cheques of our Head of State and the Chief Justice. It cannot be because the universities they represent enjoy top international ranking. Far from it! Vice-chancellors will likely argue that a significant reason for dismal international ranking is linked to the lack of adequate funding, now further exacerbated by a zero increase in fees in 2016. Vice-chancellors, besides government, must step into the breach to cover the 2016 fee shortfall of R2.9 billion, and some R40 billion if free university education for the poor is implemented. One idea being floated (and gaining traction) is a cap on remuneration for vice-chancellors. Not yet broached is the role of vice-chancellors in securing endowments to facilitate a university's financial health. By doing so, students will decidedly benefit from scholarships or reduced fees. In contrast to universities in Europe and North America, South African universities have little or no endowment at all. This is totally unacceptable, and to remedy the situation vice chancellors must be required (as do their foreign counterparts) to direct fund development initiatives by cultivating friends and donors to the university. An endowment program is essential to the financial wellbeing of a university as it generates more cash for everyone on campus. There is a growing perception that, for too long, vice-chancellors have enjoyed the fruits of academia, but in return, have not performed with sufficient executive skill consistent with their pay cheques. The disconnect must not continue.

GWEDE MANTASHE - A RELIC FROM THE PAST

ANC secretary-general Gwede Mantashe wasn't a happy camper following former president Kgalema Motlanthe's scathing criticism of the ANC, and its alliance partners for betraying the revolution. In an editorial in Business Day, Mantashe responded to the former president's critical remarks by castigating him for seeking celebrityhood through criticism, amongst other didactic mouthfuls. Mantashe is not one of the plain vanilla communist apparatchiks within the party's alliance. His ongoing love affair with materialistic dialectic communism with a dash of Maoism, is embedded in his political makeup. Therein lies a problem - Mantashe's deceptive reliance on Mao's purported democratic teachings to mollify the former president's criticism. History records that Mao, in practice, was never a supporter of democracy. In truth and in fact, he was a communist tyrant who orchestrated the Cultural Revolution resulting in the killing of some 1.5 million people. So much so, for Mantashe's revisionist take on history. If Mantashe decides again to engage in pseudo-intellectual pursuits, he should take the time to select an historical unblemished and heroic character, when firing back at critics. For now, he is shooting blanks.

AGOA - A Lesson In Self-Interest

The AGOA debacle prominently features on South Africa's 24 hour news cycle. Adding to the mess are local trade unions, Cosatu and Fawu. Both are angry at the United States for allegedly undermining South Africa's agricultural industry. As a rule, I would not take the time and effort to educate those in Cosato and Fawu on the specifics of AGOA, but because nothing is more dangerous than ignorance, an exception to the rule is warranted. AGOA is a benevolent creature of statute passed by the US Congress and enacted into law. The legislation offers immense trade benefits to qualifying Sub-Saharan African countries for duty free access to the US market. South Africa is currently an AGOA beneficiary resulting in many thousands of local jobs, and millions of Rand in export revenue. If I am able to impart one piece of information to local unions, it is an understanding of the unilateral nature and scope of non-reciprocal trade preferences under AGOA . To put it simply: South Africa was not a party, contractual or otherwise, to AGOA, and therefore it does not rise to the level of a bilateral treaty between both countries. South Africa must meet published eligibility requirements under AGOA, one of which is elimination of trade barriers. In short, AGOA is a magnanimous gift to Sub-Saharan qualifying countries. No self-respecting unionist should argue otherwise. To union leaders who still feel aggrieved by the US move, note that South Africa's lifeline to AGOA can be severed by South Africa at anytime. It is not as if the US is holding a gun to South Africa's head. Union leaders should take the time to see the wood for the trees - the big picture - before engaging in further anti-US rhetoric. Preferably, now armed with insight of the Agoa trade regime, and mindful of the extraordinary trade benefits that redound to South Africa, union leaders should insist that Minister Davies lay down his fiddle and get the job done.

AGOA and Feet Dragging

Procrastination is the thief of time, but for South Africa, procrastination is the thief of invaluable trade concessions with the US under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). In a recent press briefing, Trade and Industry Minister Davies expressed surprise to the announcement that the US will suspend AGOA benefits for South African agricultural products to the US. The suspension takes effect within 60 days unless issues relating to US imports of meat and poultry are resolved. It is no secret that Davies and his trade envoy have been dragging their feet in concluding an agreement with their US counterparts. US patience has run its course for South Africa, and in American parlance, Davies must either fish or cut bait. As it is, his role has been less than stellar. On its face, resolving the issues under AGOA should not have been a problem. However, there are geo-political issues at stake - issues such as the Security Bill awaiting President Zuma's signature, and South Africa's bedfellow relationship with China and Russia. Synergistically, South Africa has painted itself into a corner, and, in fact, is its own worst enemy. To put it bluntly: South Africa, in American parlance, is between a rock and a hard place. This late in the day, there is no realistic option but to accept the US conditions. There are those who contend the US is bullying South Africa to accept its conditions. This is not so, as AGOA is a trade concession regime that redounds to the benefit of South Africa, and other qualifying African countries. To all intents and purposes it is a magnanimous gift from the US, and South Africa would do well not to look a gift horse in the mouth.

Gary Player: Happy 80th Birthday From Your Racist Soul Mates

Dale Hayes' column wishing Gary Player a happy 80th birthday (5/11/15) was a whitewashed tribute to the man and his professional golfing career. Hayes tellingly points out that "Gary has always been very patriotic to South Africa. It is his home . . . and he was always prepared to pay the cost of being a South African in those dark days of apartheid". Hayes, however, fails to mention that in the dark days of apartheid, Player's affaire de coeur with the apartheid regime. In his book Grand Slam Golf, Player wrote: "I am of the South Africa of Verwoerd and apartheid . . . to maintain civilised values and standards amongst the alien barbarians . . . The African". In addition, it was no secret that Player was used as a de facto ambassador for the apartheid government, and lent his support to the government's Committee in Fairness for Sport to overcome South Africa's global boycott. Player was subsequently added to the UN's blacklist for breaking the sports boycott. Player is known as the "Black Knight", presumably based on a noble character in Arthurian legend. Based on Players's despicable racist past, the title is decidedly undeserving. In closing, birthday wishes from your racist soul mates, Verwoerd, Vorster and PW Botha.

EFF's Survival Disconnect

Parliament's passage of the Criminal Matters Amendment Bill has imposed harsh sentences on those who steal, or tamper with the country's infrastructure. According to Justice Minister Masutha , 179 metric tons of copper were stolen, in April, 2015, alone, at a replacement cost of R13.6 million. The magnitude of the impact to the country's infrastructure, and ultimately the economy, cannot be downplayed, or trivialised. It is a crisis of huge proportions. Besides the EFF, the bill was largely supported by opposition parties. The EFF argued that "metals theft was a survival-based crime", because the ANC government was failing poor people. By implication, according to the EFF, metals theft should not rise to the level of a particularly serious crime, or at all - a typical and baseless tactic to appeal to EFF supporters. The EFF is correct in one respect: metals theft is survival-based, but "survival" for the country in terms of its essential infrastructure. There is ample evidence that organized crime is a major player in the commission of metals theft, and related offenses. The bill, when enacted, must serve as a deterrent to those who intend committing economic sabotage against the country. In a perfect South Africa, the need for harsh sentences would be unnecessary. However, as we are not living in a perfect South Africa, severe sentences must be imposed. Without significant jail time for offenders, and no possibility of parole, business will be as usual.

ANC and the Art of Lip Service

The ANC's propitiatory reaction to former president Kgalema Motlanthe's scathing criticism of the party was out of character. The ANC is notorious in ignoring criticism. The fact that the party deemed it necessary to issue a vacuous statement is understandable. The party simply could not ignore criticism from one of South Africa's most distinguished public figures and prominent party member. But, other than paying lip service, the rot continues.

The DA's Rush to Judgment

The ink of Dianne Kohler Barnard's message on Facebook had not yet "dried" when the DA's leader, Mmusi Maimane, leveled charges against her. Her membership in the party was terminated for mistakenly reposting a received message praising PW Botha for being "far more honest than any of these ANC rogues" and providing "a far better service to the public". Many would argue that the comment had a stinging truthfulness to it, or at the very least, was within the parameters of fair comment. Clearly Kohler Barnard's reposting of the message was the height of stupidity. However, her stupidity does not necessarily translate into racism. By all accounts, the former MP is not, and has never evinced racist tendencies, or support for the apartheid regime. Kohler Barnard immediately apologised, expressed remorse, but no matter how genuine and sincere the depth of her apology, the reposted message presented an exploitative and irresistible opportunity for the DA to hang her out to dry in furtherance of professing the DA's zero tolerance to apartheid supporters. The party wasted no time in chewing and spitting Kohler Barnard out of the party - a disingenuous manoeuvre designed to affirm the party's racial inclusiveness to black voters. The fact that the DA felt the need, given the circumstances, to throw Kohler Barnard under the bus, does not bode well for the party.

Higher Education - Mediocrity Is Thy Name

The student fee protests will have historic significance in the months and years to come - a step in the right direction, but riddled with uncertainty. The fee moratorium is a short term pyrrhic victory and pales against overwhelming odds confronting students. These include, but are not limited to, oppressive tuition debt service, inadequate student housing, subsistence support, transformational obstacles, inferior basic education inadequately bridging the gap to tertiary level, and the prospect of unaffordable future tuition costs beyond 2016, assuming free education is a pipe dream . Then, after years of sacrifice in attaining a coveted degree for the promise of a better life, reality sets in - the terrifying spectre of unemployment. Government finds itself between a rock and a hard place. It simply does not have contingency reserves to fund the deficit created by eliminating the one time fee increase. In addition, universities are unable to absorb the loss in revenue. Government must recognise the plain and simple truth that universities must be adequately funded. There are non-essential items in the recently announced budget that can be allocated to higher education. The future of the country's university system depends on it. The solution is not, as some in government propose, the ending of university autonomy. Do we need one more national tragedy of the likes of Eskom, SAA, SABC and the Post Office? Perish the thought!

Investec's Chickens Coming Home to Roost

Provided Randgold's minority shareholders have the financial wherewithal to continue prosecuting its lawsuit against Investec, the facts appear favourable for a successful outcome for the minority shareholders.  

Investec, in defending the action, has employed a strategy long used by companies with deep pockets:  drown an opponent in paper and ever increasing legal costs.  In doing so, the action either gathers dust, or brings an opponent to the settlement table.  This does not appear to be the case with Randgold's minority shareholders - it is a do or die scenario for them.

Judge Rabie's judgment allowing 96% of the claims to proceed to trial is potentially devastating for Investec.  The prospect of having to pay R1.3bn plus costs is one thing, but the impact on Investec's reputation in the marketplace is another.  Settlement anyone?

MPs - Icons of Hypocrisy

The annual parliamentary register of member interests was recently published.  One conclusion is evident from the list: MPs  are quintessential hypocrites. They rant, shout, scream and accuse one another of wrongdoing when it suits them.

However, when it comes to disclosure of their wealth, business interests and gifts received, they band together and hide their assets in trusts formed for this very purpose. 

Transparency has no meaning when it involves the personal gain of MPs.  We, the people, are to blame by allowing the subterfuge to continue.  

Good Writing Skills - A Relic?

Reading the letter (27/10/15) of Messrs. Makhombothi and Buku to the Cape Times on behalf of the SA Student Congress was a lesson in grammatical ubiquity. It was a perfect illustration of poor syntax, awkward grammatical construction and sentence structure.  

I presume these young men are ambitious, and will seek out powerful leadership roles in the future.  Good writing skills are an important part of communication in contrast to poor writing skills which create poor first impressions and negativity,  as in Makhombothi and Buku's letter. 

One can safely assume that it has been a long time since Makhombothi and Buku were taught any writing skills.  A refresher course is needed.  The good news is that writing is a skill which can be learned like any other. 

Being a political activist (in past years), the future of our country's youth is of paramount concern to 
me.  To this end, I offer to tutor these young people, and others,  if interested. 

Gary Player - a Man with Warts

Gary Player was featured (November issue) in the Sunday Times sports section.   He was described as   "forever young" in his life's journey. The article was praiseworthy of Player, but failed to address his dark side - his affaire de coeur with the apartheid regime.   

In his book Grand Slam Golf, Player wrote:  "I am of the South Africa of Verwoerd and apartheid . . . to maintain civilised values and standards amongst the alien barbarians . . . The African . . ." In addition, it was no secret that Player was used as a de facto ambassador for the apartheid government, and lent his support to the government's Committee in Fairness for Sport to overcome South Africa's global boycott.  Player was subsequently added to the UN's blacklist for breaking the sports boycott.  

Even though Player is presumably no longer a racist bigot, his racism, in past years, must not be ignored, and must be added to the mix in immortalising him "South Africa's Sportsman of the 20th Century."

Time for Change

"A dollar late and a day short" best describes the ANC government's belated reactive capitulation to student demand for a 0% hike in 2016 tuition fees.  If government believes it has snatched victory from the jaws of defeat it is badly mistaken.  Student  unrest is symptomatic of a myriad of socio-economic problems crippling the country.  Young people, the future leaders of the country, have at long last realized that the interests of the ANC government do not align with their basic expectations of opportunity, and birthright to quality education.  The fires of profound discontent have been ignited, and the government does not have the means or know-how to extinguish them. 

For students, the moratorium is a short term pyrrhic victory which pales against overwhelming odds confronting them.  These include, but are not limited to, oppressive tuition debt service, inadequate student housing, subsistence support, transformational obstacles, inferior basic education inadequately bridging the gap to tertiary level, and the prospect of unaffordable future tuition costs beyond 2016, assuming free education is a pipe dream . Then, after years of sacrifice in attaining a coveted degree for the promise of a better life, reality sets in - the terrifying spectre of unemployment. 

The protests are the embodiment of student frustration and anger for government's irreparable damage to tertiary education due to gross neglect and profligacy.  The die has been cast:  no longer will students be marginalised and forgotten, even if it means taking to the streets again. 

Blade Nzimande - A Man Out Of His Depth

There are calls for Blade Nzimande's resignation as minister of higher education. I don't have a dog in this fight,  nor do I have any 'delusions of grandeur' for the cabinet post, should Nzimande be given his marching orders. That being so, I offer my unbiased truncated take on Nzimande's continuing fitness for office. 

In any objective assessment of an individual's fitness for a particular office, a review of that person's background is necessary. 

The minister earned a PhD in philosophy from the University of Natal, with emphasis in sociology.  Prima facie the minister was no academic slouch, armed with credentials for a successful future. 

Besides a stint as a lecturer, the minister became increasingly involved in the trade union movement, and a dedicated member of the Communist Party, serving as its general secretary. 

Blade Nzimanda's role as minister of higher education, is, however, a whole new kettle of fish: he is in the eye of the country's first season's tertiary education hurricane.  He is battered and bruised, and out of his depth. He blames university vice chancellors for the fee crisis, and accepts no responsibility, in step with an endless line of spineless politicians. 

The chaos that we witnessed did not spontaneously happen - Nzimande was aware of heightening student discontent, and chose to ignore it.  Moreover, he was duty bound to implement  recommendations of a 2012 higher education report, and failed to do so.  In addition, his handling of the protests was amateurish, insensitive to student needs, underscored by a paralysing detachment to the enormity of the crisis. 

No matter how one views Nzimande's  performance, his fate will likely be sealed as the fall guy.  On balance, this is not a train wreck, because as it turns out, he is not the sharpest blade in the drawer.